Thursday, October 17, 2013

Part 6 of 9. Psychohistorical-Dialectical Derivation of Equitism as the Successor System to Capitalism.

Full Title -- 

Part 6 of 9.  Seldonian, Dialectical-Algebraic Derivation of Fundamental Features for the 

Global Successor System to [Self-]Global[ized] Capitalism

using the Dialectical Meta-Equationthat Models

the Meta-Evolution of the Human-Social Relations of Production. 

by [guest author] Hermes de Nemores.

Dear Readers,

Questions have recently been raised, in ‘www’ dialogues in which I have participated, as to what Karl Seldon derived, and also as to how he derived it, with regard to the global system of ‘Democratic Communism’, or of ‘Marxian Democracy’ -- of ‘Political-Economic Democracy -- as the possible global successor system to the global capitalist system, using the algebra of dialectics that that he discovered in 1996.

Such questions deserve an answer. 

Thisblog-entry summarizes the sixth part of Seldon’s answer. 

This blog-entry was extracted from writings of Hermes de Nemores, Secretary-General of Foundation Encyclopedia Dialectica, and chairperson of its General Council, from his recent update to an introductory text, whose earlier version is available via the following links --

[see, in particular, pages B-24 to B-37 in the latter].

-- and which I have adapted to the locally-available typography.

Enjoy this sixth part of Hermes de Nemores’ re-telling of Seldon’s amazing saga of solution!



Example 5:  NQ Psychohistorical-Dialectical Meta-Model. TheMeta-Equation of Human-Social Relations of ProductionMeta-Evolution’ [Part 6 of 9].

The Econo-Political Institutional Infrastructure of the Initial Phase of 'Externality-Equities' Equitism. 'Equitism' envisions the constitutional-amendment provision and partially courts-regulated and legislatures-regulated operation of 'bicameral' boards of directors in all capitalist enterprises of sufficient size and social impact, with a 'second house' of local-community-elected public directors in all local operating units of such enterprises.

These 'publics' boards' would have constitutionally-ceded authority, and legislatively-ceded authority, over the 'externalities budgets', the 'quanto-qualitative', externalities-production local annual operating plans of these enterprises -- thus representing, at the very heart of corporate governance, the 'externality-equities' owned collectively, in a collective property-rights or public property-rights application of the "Coase Theorem", by each such local-community's citizens, as public stakeholders, in virtue of this, their new and special kind of property right. 

The traditional board of directors and its delegates, representing the ownership of 'internality-equities' by the traditional stockholders, would continue to have authority over the dollar-denominated, financial annual operating plan. 

Discrepancies between the two operating plans would have to be negotiated between the two "houses" in accord with the constitutionally and legislatively mandated rules, with constitutionally and legislatively prescribed judicial review and/or arbitration in the event of deadlock/negotiation-failure.

Any effort by the plutocracy to bribe the thousands of grass-roots public directors popularly elected in local communities all across the landscape would face prohibitive costs and risks of exposure because of their vast multiplicity.

Such massive bribery would be rendered more difficult also by the fact that the locally-resident citizens eligible to be elected as public directors would be fighting to defend their families, their homes, and their local communities in a way and from a vantage which would be very non-abstract, very direct and personal, compared to the vantage of the traditional long-distance central government legislator.

In any case, attempts by the plutocracy and/or their subordinate capitalist-class elements to buy-off the vast number of citizen-directors nationwide would break the bribery budgets of even the super-richest of the super-rich.

The Emergence of a Global 'Association of Public Directors'. It is expected that Associations of Public Directors, coordinating policy at the local, regional, and national levels, and, eventually, at the international, planetary level, will "naturally" tend to emerge over time, perhaps initially as a kind of NGO [Non-Governmental Organization], and to eventually become institutionalized, 'constitutionalized', and 'electorialized'.

This will create a situation of "dual power" between the political-economic 'Association of Associations' and the traditional political branches.

But this should not be posed as one of unstable "dual power", leading inevitably to the "total victory" of one of the 'duals', and the "total annihilation"/"abstract negation" of the other.

Rather, it should be grasped as the basis for a new, fourth branch of government -- of a partially democratized economic governance branch -- and of an «aufheben» conservation/elevation/negation , and real subsumption, of the first three branches of political government, leading to a government of sustained quadruple power, with the new, democratic economic governance branch existing in a higher, stabilized, ongoing complex unity with the three earlier branches, supplying economic checks and balances that the political branches cannot supply, and that help to block the path, otherwise irresistible, toward their total prostitution and plutocratic totalitarian degeneration.

'Containment' and '''Real Subsumption''' of the Capital-Relation within the Relation of Generalized Equity. These Associations of Public Directors would supply a geography-based externalities 'container' and 'constrainer' for the many individual capitals operating in a given locality or region, capitals otherwise overwhelmingly '''abstracted''' and geographically indifferent; indifferent to the deleterious impacts of the externalities they generate on their local portions of humanity.

These Associations would thus constitute the units, or «monads», of a 'Meta-Capital' entity, each such «monad» 'made up out of' a heterogeneous multiplicity of capitals in a democratic-jurisdictional sense.

hese Associations would geo-demographically 'contain' and 'internalize/subsume' the many capitals operating within their geographical jurisdictions, in terms of, and placing checks and balances upon, the otherwise unlimited production of externalities which the combination of gargantuan oligopolist agglomerations of capital, their monopolized/prostituted mass media of communication, and their prostitute, increasingly '''plutocracy-owned''' political governments would unleash.

The "pure" private capital principle is a principle of private profit maximization at any social/externality cost.

It is limited, within the epoch of the «Kapitals»-system, only by political checks, i.e., by economically-exteriorized, government legislature/bureaucracy regulation, and litigation-triggered judicial intervention, in a context where these branches of government are increasingly prostituted to a few, dominant agglomerations of internationalizing capital-ownership.

The 'Terminality' of the 'Un-Contained' Capital-Principle.  Thus the capital principle, when in its full development, at zenith -- if not integrated within a higher socio-economic principle, i.e., if it moves to become the organizing principle of global society as a whole; of the human-social totality, will become a principle of monopolistic, omni-ravenous, socially-cannibalistic rapacity and parasitic malignancy; of unchecked, "absolute", and therefore "absolutely corrupt" power, which will ravage and destroy the totality of human society, the human species, and the planetary biosphere as a whole, in a vain defense of its power-prerogatives, once it becomes mortally threatened by the further growth of the productive forces immanent in the improvement of majority standards of living, including standards of [scientific and technological, etc.] education, world-wide, which standards it therefore systematically attacks.

The «Aufheben» [Self-]Negation of the Capital-Relation as Predominant Social Relation of Production. This meta-model, for ­E, predicts no undialectical, abstract negation of the «Kapitals» ontology; no 'Jacobinoid-Leninoid' "absolute abolition"; no 'convolute' extinction/total de-manifestation, and no fantasy, utopian de-materialization of the Capital-relation.

The social praxis ontology of 'Raw Appropriation' did not vanish/was not abolished by the emergence of that of Goods.

The Goods ontology did not vanish/was not abolished by the emergence of that of Commodity barter. 

The Commodity ontology did not vanish/was not abolished by the emergence of that of Money.

The Money ontology did not disappear/was not abolished by the emergence of that of «Kapitals».

This model anticipates, in continuity with all of these earlier 'meta-evolutionary' transitions identified in this ‘meta-model’, the dialectical, «aufheben» 'annulment-cum-elevation-cum-conservation' of the Capital-relation, via an appropriate 'containment' of, or 'self-internalization' by, and [self-]subsumption/"real domination" of Capital within the higher social principle of 'Generalized Equity', as sketched above.

The latter principle was already interior to the 'equity' and 'exchange-of-equivalents' sub-principles immanent in Capital, as its implicit and internal dual.

The Emergence of a Fourth, Economic-Democratic Branch of Econo-Political Democratic Social Governance, in Sustained Quadruple Power with the Earlier Three. This model thus envisions the retention and conservation/transformation of the three traditional branches of political government in a complex, conflictual, and conflicts-conserving unity of sustained quadruple-power with the new, fourth branch, generalizing the stabilized, conflicts-conserving, checks-and-balances delivering complex unity of the original three.

It also envisions the subordination, but not the dissolution, of the capital-principle.

The capital-principle is no longer allowed to attempt to organize the social totality.

A higher and economic-democratic, humanistic, social justice based principle of social ordering supersedes Capital in that role --the principle of 'Generalized Equity'.

But the latter principle allows the capital-principle -- e.g., of price-competition and competition for customer-adherence -- to persist in operation where it best orchestrates the extant hybridization of “Genomic” and 'Phenomic' human nature, providing vitally needed economic checks and balances that monopoly and state-monopoly economic governance so devastatingly lack.

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