Thursday, November 29, 2012


Principles of Trans-Capitalist, Social Equity, #4 of 4Citizen Allocational Equity [as propounded by the E.A.G., the Equitist Advocacy Group]


Dear Readers,


Via unison with the new constitutional principles, rights, and properties, of --


-- the new constitutional equity principle of --


-- constitutes a key component of the proposed new political-economic system -- of the system of POLITICAL-ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY -- that is the predicted successor-system to the present, self-destroying Capital-Equity-Only system of increasingly anti-democratic political economy.

This proposed constitutional principle of "CITIZEN ALLOCATIONAL EQUITY" may be summarized as follows --

'''Citizen Allocational Equity, [is the] social principle, and the social policy, of equitable locational, regional-geographical allocation of social property — of socially/publicly-owned means of social reproduction resources/funding — on a «per capita», or per human person located therein, basis. 

This may policy may be effected, in the proposed Equitist Social System, via the equitable allocation of 'socially-rentable' social property assets to the '"Social Banks"' operating in each region -- that is, to those particular kinds of Citizen Stewardship Cooperatives which qualify the business plans of, and which approve the allocation of, social property resources to the other kinds of Citizen Stewardship Cooperatives, to enable the implementation of so-qualified business plans of those other kinds of Citizen Stewardship Cooperatives.'''

Some greater detail regarding this principle follows [edited for clarity [I hope!] by M.D.] --

"Truly equitable distribution of, e.g., the public assets ceded, from the stock of global social property, in stewardship, to local and regional Citizen Stewardship Equity producers' associations, may involve, especially initially, from the point of view of the internationally base-elected A.I.D.P. [«Association Internationale des Directeurs Publiques»], compensatory and reparative elements, until the injustices of past capitalist-imperialist social auto-cannibalization of the capital-hinterland, including the former "Second World" and "Third World" regions of the globe, has been adequately redressed [if such reparative plans are adopted via popular referendum].

Such allocative equity, in any case, involves the solution of presently unsolved — and hardly even posed — problems of 'social-negentropy accounting' in the context of a 'meta-market' social system, in which mere monetary-valuations provide an even more inadequate metric of 'social-reproductive use-value' than they already do now, even still within the integument of the "capital-relation".

The nature of 'Citizen Allocational Equity' is thus that of an historical equity-principle, which targets an "ideal" of equal «per capita» regional allocation of socially-owned social negentropy, but which entails recognition that such an ideal standard becomes relevant only once an "equipotential" among all regions of the globe has been achieved with regard to life-opportunities.

There will remain a role for the constitutionally and juridically regulated and monitored 'Declarations of Peace and Prosperity' — replacing, and hopefully preempting and obviating the whole history of "Declarations of War", up to today — adopted by one global region, with respect to another, as part of the process of achieving the necessary compensatory and reparative allocations that constitute '''the correction of the past''' in terms of wealth-sharing and resource-sharing.

Such 'Declarations', and, even more so, their implementation, involves subtle applications of a mastery of human-social science — of the science of the catalysis of accelerated human-social self-development — that are all but beyond the ken of our current, capital-compromised and capital-corrupted civilization.

These 'Declarations' might involve something of what Marx envisioned, with respect to Russia, and with respect to the Russian Mir [village community], '''given a successful proletarian revolution in the West''', in his Preface to the Russian edition of Capital (volume I), and in his draft letters of response to Vera Zasulich."

For a fuller definition and discussion, see --

[especially Sub-Sections 5.c. & 5.d. in]. --



Wednesday, November 28, 2012


Principles of Trans-Capitalist, Social Equity, #3 of 4Citizen Stewardship Equity [as propounded by the E.A.G., the Equitist Advocacy Group]


Dear Readers,

Below is my edited excerpt – edited for greater clarity [again, I hope!] – from a text by the Equitist Advocacy Group [E.A.G.] on their proposed new constitutional principle of Citizen Stewardship Equity.


Citizen Stewardship Equity, supersedes the "wage-labor", '''sold labor-power''', or '''alienated labor[-power]''' relation of/that is the core of, [industrial, or real-dominant] capital.

It encompasses -- after the public's enactment of the Equitarian Reform/Revolution -- the constitutional rights of each working adult, to membership in, and to 1-person/1-vote 'economic suffrage' within, the 'producers' councils', or 'stewards' councils', that would then democratically manage the socially-/legally-/constitutionally-favored producer's cooperative enterprises.

It includes the new constitutional right to share in the profits-of-enterprise of any such producers' cooperative in which that citizen works, with partial rights of collective use / disposition over the socially-owned means of social reproduction ceded, in stewardship, but not in local ownership, to these producers' cooperatives / local producers' associations, under the collective/democratic control of their base-elected 'stewards' councils', in continuous negotiation with these enterprises' own 'externality-equities' property-holding 'publics' boards', as part of Equitarian Society's «aufheben»-negation / conservation / elevation of market-based checks-and-balances regarding the pricing and quality of the goods/services supplied to the citizen-consumers by these enterprises, using equitably-allocated, socially-owned means of social reproduction.

This newly-emergent 'Stewardship-Equity social-relation-of-production' is expected and intended to increasingly supplant the likewise «aufheben»-conserved/constrained/elevated '''wage-labor''' / private-capital social-relationship-of-production [cf. the model of "Economic Democracy" comprehensively constructed and defended by David Schweickart in his book Against Capitalism [Cambridge University Press, NY:  1993], as well as in his book After Capitalism [Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., NY: 2002], to which we are indebted, in part, for key aspects of the conceptual derivation of this crucial sub-principle, and 'socio-ontological «species»', or 'social relations of production «species»', of 'generalized equity'].  . . .

MarxJoint-Stock Capital-Equity as the Perfected Form of Capital, Transitional to 'Democratic Communism'.

In the context of this subject-matter, it is profoundly informative to see what Marx actually had to say, in the very core of his written works, about the immanent emergence — from out of the heart of the capital-relation itself — of the core social relation of production of 'democratic communist' society, in the transition from capital-relation-based society to 'democratic communist' society, in volume III. of his «magnum opus», Capital  --

"The general remarks, which the credit system so far elicited from us, were the following: ...

III. Formation of stock companies. Thereby: ...

3) Transformation of the actually functioning capitalist into a mere manager, administrator of other people's capital, and of the owner of capital into a mere owner, a mere money-capitalist.

Even if the dividends which they receive include the interest and the profit of enterprise, i.e., the total profit (for the salary of managers is, or should be, simply the wage of a specific type of skilled labour, whose price is regulated in the labour-market like that of any other labour), this total profit is henceforth received only in the form of interest, i.e., as mere compensation for owning capital that is now entirely divorced from the function in the actual process of reproduction, just as this function in the person of the manager is divorced from ownership of capital. ...

In stock companies the function is divorced from capital ownership, hence also labour is entirely divorced from ownership of means of production and surplus-labour.

This result of the ultimate development of capitalist production is a necessary transitional phase towards the reconversion of capital into the property of producers, although no longer as the private property of the individual producers, but rather as the property of associated producers, as outright social property.

On the other hand, the stock company is a transition toward the conversion of all functions in the reproduction process which still remain linked with capitalist property, into mere functions of the associated producers, into social functions.

This is the abolition [one-sided translation of the German core-"dialectical" word «aufheben» -- M.D.] of the capitalist mode of production within the capitalist mode of production itself, and hence a self-dissolving contradiction, which «prima facie» represents a mere phase of transition to a new form of production.

It manifests itself as such a contradiction in its effects.

It establishes a monopoly in certain spheres and thereby requires state interference.

It reproduces a new financial aristocracy, a new variety of parasites in the shape of promoters, speculators, and simply nominal directors; a whole system of swindling and cheating by means of corporation promoting, stock issuance, and stock speculation.

It is private production without the control of private property. ...

The co-operative factories of the labourers themselves represent within the old form the first sprouts of the new, although they naturally reproduce, and must reproduce, everywhere in their actual organization all the shortcomings of the prevailing system.

But the antithesis between capital and labour is overcome within them, if at first only by way of making the associated labourers into their own capitalist, i.e., by enabling them to use the means of production for the employment of their own labour [the E.A.G. names this transitional form 'workers' capital[ism]' -- M.D.].

They show how a new mode of production naturally grows out of an old one, when the development of the material forces of production and of the corresponding forms of social production have reached a particular stage. Without the factory system arising out of the capitalist mode of production there could have been no co-operative factories.

Nor could these have developed without the credit system arising out of the same mode of production.

The credit system is not only the principal basis for the gradual transformation of capitalist enterprises into capitalist stock companies, but equally offers the means for the gradual extension of co-operative enterprises on a more or less national scale. ...

The capitalist stock companies, as much as the co-operative factories, should be considered transitional forms from the capitalist mode of production to the associated one, with the only distinction that the antagonism is resolved negatively in the one, and positively in the other. ...

The credit system appears as the main lever of over-production and over-speculation in commerce solely because the reproduction process, which is elastic by nature, is here forced to its extreme limits, and is so forced because a large part of the social capital is employed by people who do not own it, and who consequently tackle things quite differently than the owner, who anxiously weighs the limitations of his private capital in so far as he handles it himself.

This simply demonstrates the fact that the self-expansion of capital based on the contradictory nature of capitalist production permits an actual free development only up to a certain point, so that in fact it constitutes an immanent fetter and barrier to production, which is continually broken through by the credit system.

Hence, the credit system accelerates the material development of the productive forces and the establishment of the world-market.

It is the historical mission of the capitalist system of production to raise the material foundations of the new mode of production to a certain degree of perfection.

At the same time credit accelerates the violent eruption of this contradiction — crises — and thereby the elements of disintegration of the old mode of production.

The two characteristics immanent in the credit system are, on the one hand, to develop the incentive of capitalist production, enrichment through the exploitation of the labour of others, to the purest and most colossal form of gambling and swindling, and to reduce more and more the number of the few who exploit the social wealth; on the other hand, to constitute the form of transition to a new mode of production.

It is this ambiguous nature, which endows the principal spokesmen of credit from Law to Isaac Pereire with the pleasant character mixture of swindler and prophet."

[Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy [vol. III], '''The Shapes Taken-On by the Reproductions-Process of/by Capitals Overall''', Chapter XXVII, "The Role of Credit in Capitalist Production", International Publishers Co., Inc. [NY:  1967], pages 435-441]

In a letter to Engels [Marx to Engels; April 2, 1858, in MEW 29, page 312, reproduced in Rubel on Marx: Five Essays, Cambridge University Press [NY: 1981], page 216, emphasis added by M.D.], Marx writes of the planned structure of his critique of the political economy of the system of «kapitals», with even greater explicitude regarding the transitional character of the emergence of the "share capital" «species» of Capital-in-General, i.e. the "capital equity stock" «species» sub-category, of the social relation of [social re-]production «genos» category called "capital" --

"Capital is divided into four sections.

1. Capital en général [in Fr.] (This is the material of the first brochure).

2. Competition or the reciprocal action of the many capitals.

3. Credit, where capital appears as the general element in opposition to the
many capitals.;

4. Share capital as the most perfect form (assuming the character of communism),
together with all its contradictions."

What are we to make of these positings, by Marx, of capital equity stock, and of its '''shareholder democracy''', or '''stockholder democracy''', as a close kin to '''the associated mode of production''', and to "communism"?

An Historical Helix of Human-Social Democratization, Spanning the Epoch of
Capital as Dominant Human-Social Relation of Production.

The incipient political democracy and civil liberty that early, competitive, ascendant-phase capitalism asserted, initially against its feudal and Absolute-Monarchical rivals, can only be restored in a higher form, and preserved from otherwise total destruction by the predictable late, decadent-phase form of that same capitalism, by means of advancing that initially merely political democracy to a politically-and-economically democratized, actualized democratic political-economy.

We hold that the way to achieve this begins with an extension and generalization of "stockholder democracy" into '''stakeholder democracy''', in a "publics" sense; that is, by way of a constitutional institutionalization of Equitarian, externality-equities-based economic democracy; a public and popular economic democracy that was absent as such throughout the capital epoch, seeded only in that democracy among capitalists — among the holders/owners of 'internality-equity' — that is immanent in the principles and practices [however often honored in the breach] of joint-stock company "stockholder democracy"."


'Citizen Stewardship Equity' is designed to gradually supplant and supersede the capital-relation, by superseding the wagéd-labor and salaried-labor relationships, the latter, forming the core of the capital-relation as predominant social relation of production.

This requires the overcoming of the capital-essential exclusion of the majority of the population, the producing class, from access to, and decision-making regarding the uses of, the means of [social-self-re-]production.

That is, it requires the constitutionally-mandated granting of "stewardship" access to such means of production, as social property, by self-organized collectives of citizens -- who may be non-owners of any capital whatsoever -- under the following precise conditions.

This new «species» of social equity rights entails the constitutional empowerment of each citizen to participate in the co-formation of, and the democratic, 'one steward, one vote' co-conduct of the production and of the democratic self-management of, localized, enterprise-level, associations of producers [i.e., socialized producers' cooperatives] on a 'one citizen, one vote' basis.

This means that each such citizen-producer would be empowered to act as a co-steward of that part of the total social property — in the form of, e.g., production plant and equipment — granted, and '''rented''', to that citizen's qualified producers-association, as collective self-employer, by a local, public, social bank, itself also a 'Citizen Stewardship Equity' co-stewardship association/cooperative, democratically self-managed by its own citizen-producers, also as collective self-employees.

This 'Citizen Stewardship Equity' right would include the right of each such citizen co-steward of such social property in-use to to distinct streams of personla income -- (1) an equal share in the net profits of enterprise generated by that cooperative association of producers, as well as to (2) a — perhaps unequal, perhaps skills-proportional — base-salary in return for the collectively required productive participation in, and contribution to, that association for production, as democratically decided by the assembly of the co-stewards of that cooperative enterprise.

Payment of those profit-shares and base-salaries to themselves by those co-stewards, would depend upon their productive contribution, and also upon their collective success in finding fellow-citizen customers for their product/service output, fellow-citizens/customers willing to pay a price sufficient to fund that salary and that profit-sharing, and for whose patronage they would face competition from other socialized stewardship cooperatives, as well as from remnant capitalist enterprises."

Mis-use of such social property -- of property held not in local collective or individual/personal ownership, but only in stewardship, by such a socialized producers' cooperative -- by the stewards of that stewardship cooperative, in the sense of its use contrary to that stewardship cooperative's business plan, as originally approved -- or as amended, by negotiation, and re-approved -- by the funding social bank, would constitute a misdemeanor against society.

Such would constitute a kind of "embezzlement-in-kind" of social property; a kind of diversion, usurpation, or unconsented-to, unsanctioned, unlawful re-allocation, by a small part of society, of social property, i.e., of property belonging to, and intended to be used so as to benefit, all citizens, and provided, by all citizens, for use by smaller collectives of citizens, only in accord with constitutional and statutory provisions -- such as social bank qualification of, authorization of, and allocation of social property means of production to ["funding" of], qualified producers' collectives business plans, plans, that in the judgement of the social bank collective, will be profitable for, and otherwise beneficial to, the social bank collective, the stewardship cooperative collective, and the rest of society -- provisions designed to insure that social property will be used only in ways net beneficial to society at large; to society as a whole; to all citizens.

For full article, see –

For more about the detailed workings of 'Citizen Stewardship Equity' Rights, see Section 5 in –



Tuesday, November 27, 2012


Principles of Trans-Capitalist Social Equity, #2 of 4Citizen Birthright Equity [as propounded by the E.A.G., the Equitist Advocacy Group]


Dear Readers,

Below is my edited version -- edited for greater clarity [I hope!] -- of an E.A.G. text on the topic of their proposed Citizen Birthright Equity human-social-constitutional principle:


That principle of the human-social generalization, or humanity-wide "universalization", of equity-holding, to all social citizens, and of an "onto-dynamasis" beyond the kinds of such equity presently in existence, to birth new kinds -- e.g., including "Externality Equity" — the heart and «arché» of the new "human-social-relations-of-production ontology" whose totality the E.A.G. denotes by E [intended as a "dialectogram" symbol connoting the successor human-social-relations-of-production system to the present, globally-failing [state-]capitalist system:  the successor system that is founded upon what the E.A.G. calls the "Generalized Equity" social relation of production -- M.D.], denoting the new, Capital-relation-superseding social relation of [social re-]production — does not end with the collective, public-democratic "property-ization" of "externality equities" as described in my previous blog-entry.

It extends as well to the social generalization of the proprietorship, initially, of '''internality equities''' – capital equity stock and other traditional capital assets -- by all citizens, by means of a policy of "Citizen Birthright Equity Endowments" per an amended, expanded, "constitutionalized" Bill of Social Rights & Responsibilities.

This new «species» of equity – Citizen Birthright Equity -- also flows from principles of "human-social risk management", of "economic-systemic-risk management", and of "human-social self-investment".

It means that every child born into "Equitarian Society", is granted, «ipso jure», at birth, by virtue of fundamental constitutional right, a taxes-funded/social-rents-funded equal sum of capital equity stock, comprised, initially, of small portions of all publicly-issued stocks, bonds, and other capital assets meeting legislated standards, as well as, more and more, of extant social property income streams, designed as an integrated social/individual risk management trust-fund, and as a unified, "omni-portable", globally-portable "social safety net", as a socially-constrained individual property of every new-born citizen.

This new constitutional right, in this sense, makes every baby born into human society a ```trust-fund baby'''.

[The slavish mentality drummed into the minds of many people by the capitalist plutocracy's mass media, and by their general ideologies-manufacturing operations, and by their submissiveness-maintenance operations in general, preconditions the response, to this proposal, and to any similar proposals, for many, to:  "WE JUST CAN'T AFFORD" any such principle.

Only crumbs from the Lords' Tables go to the commoners!

Well, "we" can apparently "afford" TRILLIONS OF DOLLARS in unlimited bailouts for those very Big Pig Wall Street Banks that engineered the present global economic collapse and global contraction of social reproduction!

"We" evidently can "afford" forking over the U. S. Taxpayers' U. S. Treasury – the wages and salaries repossessed via taxes by the ruling class from their workers' incomes, a veritable new form of surplus-value -- to the very swine who carried out the plutocracy's planned global economic collapse, to help these swine to consolidate even further their concentrated ownership of U. S. banking, by bankrupting their former, smaller competitors, so that these same Big Pig Banks can buy-out – with taxpayer dollars – those former, smaller competitors, who they bankrupted not only via their collapse-engineering, but via the "regulations" passed to "reform" the practices that allowed them to engineer this collapse, as the reward to these Big Pig Banksters for their services-rendered, thereby, to the 'Roche-Nazi'/'Rothe-Nazi' plutocracy; the very swine who confiscated the home-purchase down-payments of millions of Americans, and who drove millions of Americans out of their homes, and on to the streets, and who robbed millions of Americans of their life savings, of their pensions, of their 401(k) assets; who shipped our factories and our jobs overseas -- also
using the money we pay in taxes to pay for their Bankster's flagrantly-exorbitant bonuses, and to lobby [i.e., BRIBE] Congress and the Executive branch to pass no laws or regulations that would prevent them from committing the same massive crimes, and the same massive theft, all over again, next time with even greater ease, and on an even larger scale, and to lobby [i.e., BRIBE] the judiciary to render no rulings or convictions that would hold them accountable for their massive crimes against humanity, as well as to pay for the elephantiasis of the "Defense" Budget, so that Halliburton and the rest of their Oil/Military-Industrial Complex can continue useless, stealth-genocidal wars, to rape both the U. S. Taxpayers, and the peoples of the "Third World" -- a "Third World" that they and their hired servant-dictators created as such in the first place!

"We" can apparently "afford" TRILLIONS OF DOLLARS to finance such utter waste and such utter social toxicity and criminality.

BUT – NO! –"WE" CAN NEVER "AFFORD" TO DO SOMETHING TRULY OMNI-BENEFICIAL WITH OUR TAX DOLLARS -- like use part of them to give every child born a real chance in life!

The trouble with slaves, in terms of their own good, is that they tend to develop a slave mentality:  the only thing that they ever think can be "afforded" is more "caviar" for their slave-masters.

Such slaves may go ahead and "live" on their knees, kissing slave-master-butt, for all of their "lives", if that is their masters' "preference" -- thus "validating" the "marginal utility" of their slave masters' "theory of marginal utility".

Others would rather "kick slave-master butt", and "throw the baggage out"! -- M.D.]

In the immediate aftermath of a popularly-imposed, Equitarian Constitutional-Reform/Revolution --

Citizen Birthright Equity means per capita citizen net assets, in place of today's plutocracy-mandated, malignantly growing per capita citizen net liabilities; the share of each citizen in plutocracy-incurred public debt [a way by which the plutocratic minority finances its destructive imperial enterprises, the "foreign" branch of its global "stealth genocide" operations [conveniently also killing-off many of the children of America's own producing class, inducing our poor to kill-off the poor of other nations, and vice versa!] -- the plutocracy's required '''permanent war economy''' via taxes – in fact, by plutocracy-prostituted feneral-legislature-coerced "consumption" of military "goods" by the public, foisted upon the non-super-rich majority by the plutocracy and its abject prostitutes, the pathological-liar "politicians", who serve that plutocracy's every whim, and who never wittingly truly serve the public, the majority of the electorate, despite their habitual pledges that they will to do in the future, and despite their habitual claims to be already doing so].

* Moral Hazard Mitigations. The mitigation of the massive "moral hazard" potential of this proposed Citizen Birthright Equity social policy will require that there be many "strings attached", restricting the uses of this public investment in each citizen-person by that person, and by various parents or guardians and heirs of that person, at various stages of that person's expected life-history, and beyond.

Each social equity-endowment trust-fund must therefore remain a partially-social property; a legislatively-constrained, "statutorially"-constrained, only-partially-individual/-personal/-private property.

* Principles of Universalized Inheritance and of Universalized Birth-Advantage.
This policy of "universal advantage" / "universal inheritance" / "social inheritance" -- of the "universalization" of capital/equity ownership / social property ownership / inheritance, as a partial remedy for the viciously self-amplifying hyper-inequalities of plutocratic-minority capital-advantage and capital-privilege; a ```social risk management''' policy designed to achieve an «aufheben»-negation of some of the socially-recognized systemic risks of the predecessor, «Kapitals»-system -- envisions a unification of the fragmented and otherwise inadequate – inadequate both in quality and in quantity -- «Kapital»-epoch legacy of "social safety net" provisions.

If not, in the beginning, birthing every baby with a "golden spoon", or even with a "silver spoon", in her or his mouth, every baby would be born with at least a "stainless steel spoon in his or her mouth".

These unified provisions would address the management of the social risk of the «aufheben»-"contained" but also of the «aufheben»-"retained" elements of capital-profit-based economics, plus of the new, Equitarian system, as well as of the universal risks of which human social life is, generically, in all human
epochs, the heir.

Under the constitutional requirement of Citizen Birthright Equity, human society's collective portion of equal initial social investment in each individual citizen, by social right of birth [as distinct from the presently persisting, vastly unequal family investment in / inheritance of each child, resulting from, e.g., the unequal fruits of achievements, and/or from the "robber-baron" robberies, by that child's ancestors], and the partially age-based, and tests-of-knowledge-based, constitutionally- and legislatively-restricted allocation of each child's birth-right equity trust-fund to use-access for that citizen, would be legislatively designed to meet the expected, standard costs of foreseeable life-history events, including --

* Basic Education -- primary school, trade-school, college, professional, and basic ```life-long learning''', including major re-training in the event of radical skills-obsolescence/skills-"techno-depreciation", etc.;

* Major Medical Care -- for "normal", plus for at least some classes of "catastrophic", illnesses;

* Initial Home Purchase -- down-payment assistance for young adult first home personal property acquisition;

* Entrepreneurship Opportunity -- public "venture capital" funding for first small business launch [for businesses launching below the legislated threshold employee-count at which Citizen Stewardship Equity requirements begin to apply], or for first producers-cooperative launch [for those aspects of such launch costs that are constitutionally, or "statutorially", not fundable by social bank grant -- whether social-rent-payment-requiring or not -- to qualified Citizen Stewardship Equity producer cooperative start-ups];

* Unemployment Insurance -- for cases of economic downturns, entrepreneurial bankruptcies, producers'-cooperative bankruptcies, etc.;

* [Re-]Training -- for redressing "techno-depreciation", or "technological obsolescence-depreciation", of ```human capital''', or for funding the acquisition of that minimum level of "human skills-negentropy" needed to qualify for Citizen Stewardship Equity producers' cooperatives opportunities;

* Retirement -- partially replacing [the increasingly plutocracy-gutted/plutocracy-repealed] employer pension, employer 401(k), personal IRA, and Social Security programs.

Costs of social failures by the individual -- e.g., of welfare livelihood-support in the cases of extended, perhaps non-economic-downturn-induced unemployment, or of incarceration costs in cases of criminal conviction(s) -- would be borne out of that citizen's Citizen Birthright Equity trust fund, even up to its near-exhaustion in extreme cases of criminality, thus also forming a further dis-incentive to such failures.

[Economic downturns may continue to occur, irregularly, during the period of the ```formal domination''', or of the merely ```formal subsumption''', of the capital social-relation-of-production by the rest of the emergent social-relation-of-production of "Generalized Equity".  However, any immanent social processes described in terms of a ```social dynamical law''' of such downturns is expected to be increasingly ``socio-ontologically'' distinct from the immanent social process which drives the iterated irruption, with ever-escalating amplitude, of escalating-duration periods of contracted social reproduction '''social depression''' within the "descendant-phase" sub-epoch of the ```real domination''' of, and of the more or less exclusive social rule of, the "capital-relation", and of its agents and personifications, the concentrated-capital-owning plutocracy.].

This unification, with each citizen as cost-concerned customer, given the "voucher-like" personal stake of each citizen in the conservation, and expansion, of the principal of each one's Citizen Birthright Equity social trust-fund, would "re-marketize" social welfare provision, and "re-competitivize" the pricing of medical and other social welfare services, and, thus, "re-incentivize" the exercise of cost-efficiency and cost-discipline in their production, de-incenting the "take it for granted" moral hazard of present, "free-of-charge", state-bureaucracy-produced, or state-bureaucracy-subsidized, ```social welfare''' provisions.

The policy of "Citizen Birthright Equity Endowment" of every citizen-child raises questions of the disposition of such endowments in the event of termination of pregnancy, averting the birth of a new citizen, by right of the mother.

Parents must not be " incentivized" to ```profit''' monetarily from their children's social trust-funds, though, even so, the financial worries and burdens of parenthood would be significantly mitigated by this policy, even countervailing against the extreme amplification of the "demographic transition" presently evident, in part, in advanced capitalist nations' growing tendency toward negative rates of human population growth [as one moment of their growing tendency to "contracted social reproduction"].

The "Citizen Birthright Equity" policy would not constitute a direct financial incentive to never abort a fetus.

However, the high social valuation of each and every life implicit in social adoption of this Citizen Birthright Equity policy suggests a certain social resolution to the prevailing "right-of-choice" versus "right-of-life" social conundrum, a conundrum which presently forms an apparent antinomy, but which we see, rather, as yet another dialectical "self-antithesis", or "self-duality", within the prevailing social concept of right, a social concept of right which cries out for dialectical, immanent critique.

This "intra-duality" has been opportunistically exploited, manipulated, and amplified — in anti-dialectical, rigid, frozen, mutually-absolutist "either-vs.-or" fashion — by the "Meta-Nazi" plutocracy's "ideologies-engineering" operations, so as to foster and reinforce the protracted social strife of both sides of a diametrically opposed, antagonistic, seemingly "irreconcilable" social antithesis, thus serving as yet one further tool for the "Meta-Nazis' " ideology-based divide-and-conquer subjugation of the majority -- of the "producer-class"; of the vast majority of the public. ...".

For full article, see --



Saturday, November 24, 2012

#1 of 4: Constituent Principles of Political-ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY: CITIZEN EXTERNALITY EQUITY

Principles of Trans-Capitalist Social Equity #1 of 4Citizen Externality Equity



Dear Readers,

Below, I have made some emphases and edits of my own to an excerpt from one of
the Equitist Advocacy Group's texts, to render it more forthcoming [I hope!].



The social principle, and social policy, of 'Citizen Externality Equity' Rights
is both a collective-property, public(s)-property, social-property instantiation
of the so-called "Coase Theorem", and an ultimate fruition of the '''equity'''
or '''equitable jurisprudence''' tradition of Anglo-American law, in
contradistinction to the common law and statutory law traditions.  It actualizes
the equity property that each citizen acquires through suffering the external costs
imposed upon that citizen by external costs producers, via collective-democratic
disposition of that collective property or social property right.


"Externalities" are "market failures" of the markets of Capitalism, as
recognized, and as named as such, by capitalist economists, constituting a major
aspect of the immanent critique of capitalism officially admitted — however much
these immanent failures of 'capital-ism' may be officially downplayed — by
capitalist economics.

"Externalities" comprise the "external costs", and, sometimes, the "external
benefits", that are imposed, by the operations of capitalist enterprises, upon
those '''publics''' which are neither the owners, the employees, the customers,
nor the suppliers of those enterprises, and which impose suffering, up to and including
premature death, upon those '''publics''' without any intrinsic provision for consent by,
or compensation to, said '''publics''', by said perpetrators.

The life-threatening toxic pollution of the air, water, and soil of residential
communities by proximate industrial plants forms a classic spectrum of examples
of such "external cost" imposition.

The "Coase Theorem" is the name given to the proposition, asserted by
Nobel-laureate capitalist economist Ronald Coase, to the effect that
externalities do not give rise to '''diseconomies''', '''distribution
sub-optima''', or '''resource mis-allocations''', provided that well-defined and
enforceable property rights exist, such as to create a market incentive for the
externality-producer to '''internalize''' the costs of their "externalities".

The "equity" tradition, or "equitable jurisprudence" tradition, of
Anglo-American law originally emerged as a system of law/courts, parallel and
dual to the common law/statutory system/courts of law, in the English chancery,
and which came to comprise a settled and formal body of substantive and
procedural rules and doctrines that supplement, aid, or override common law and
statutory law.  "Equity" in this context connotes '"justice according to
fairness, especially as distinguished from mechanical application of rules"'.

The equity principle at work in the 'externality equities' '''second
«species»''' of 'generalized equity' [second to the "internalities equities"
first «species», of "stockholder democracy", already established under capitalism],
is the principle that publics, which suffer the '''external costs''' coercively imposed
upon them, without their consent and without any consideration or other
compensation, by private-capital enterprises, thereby, in effect, '''purchase'''
shares of a new, to-be constitutionally established and mandated class of
equities – a publics', collective form of equity-property – whose disposition
must therefore be by means of collective, democratic decision, arrived at by
vote of the publics, i.e., of the 'externality-equities' owners -- who are thus
non-capital-owning '''shareholders''', or '''stakeholders''', of those enterprises.

'Externality Equity' implies an immanent-/self-expansion of joint-stock-company
stockholder democracy principles, inherent in the capital-relation, to encompass
the constitutional, legislative, and regulatory 'institution-ization' of
generalized, comprehensive, non-capital-owning '''stakeholder democracy'''.

'Equitism' begins with constitutional recognition of a new, universal
'socio-ontological category' of all-citizens' equities:  'citizen externality

'Externality Equity' generalizes core, capital-equity logic to encompass
economic democracy, starting with public, democratic econo-political governance
of the core of capitalism's '''market failures''' – its production and
accumulation of an ever-mounting burden of the '''externalities''' that it
foists upon its publics, publics who may be "third parties" – neither customers
of, nor employees of, nor [capital-equity-stock-]owners of, nor suppliers of the
capital-entity producing the deleterious "externalities" in question.

Envisioning the Transition

We expect to find — given a protracted and appropriate, including «samizdat»,
preparation of the majority social conscience — the emergence of a majoritarian,
popular movement for the 'Equitarian Reform', an 'economic-democratic extension'
of the "representative-democratic", '''political-democratic''' constitutions of
the nations of the capital-system's global market core.

We expect this movement to develop in response to the accelerating
'''political-economic immiseration''' and degradation of those societies in the
accelerating on-rush, by their ruling classes, into the multi-genocidal,
state-capitalist totalitarian destiny engendered by the unresisted
decadent-phase depredations of the capitals-system, in the desperate efforts of
the concentrated-capital-owning ruling class to avert the
"self-contracting-value-dominant", "techno-depreciation-dominant" phase
immanent in the law-of-motion of the capitals-system.

The 'Equitarian Reforms' are envisioned as a 'constitutionalization' and
'juridicalization', into social law, of an immanent critique, or self-critique,
of the "capital-relation" — of capital:  a critique both theoretical and practical.

The institutional infrastructure of the 'Externality Equity' «species» of
'generalized equity' is a finite, scaled, 'quanto-qualitative' self-similarity structure,
a 'synchronic meta-fractal', of economic governance bodies, based in publicly-elected,
base-elected public directors, serving in the new, constitutionally-mandated,
'''second houses''' of local, newly bi-cameral boards of directors:  the public
stakeholders' «camera», or 'externality-equities' «camera», of that newly
bi-cameral governance.

Per this programme, these "second house", 'public boards of directors', or
'boards of popularly-elected, public directors', are to be constitutionally
required in all local enterprises with sufficient externalities impact, in
accordance with a constitutionally-stipulated externalities-impact metric, and a
threshold stipulated in terms of that metric.

These new, public boards, would co-manage, in continuous negotiation with the
traditional, 'internality-equities' board, and/or its local "management
committee", or "executive committee" delegates, the annual 'externalities
budgets'/operating plans of each such enterprise, with constitutionally and
legislatively ceded co-authority to do so, 'adjudicate-able' via the judiciary
branch of social governance in cases of deadlock, with the losing party paying
the costs of the court engagement.

Arising therefrom — possibly, at first, as extra-constitutional "NGOs", prior to
their full constitutional institutionalization — we anticipate the accelerating
emergence of local/municipal, state/provincial, regional, national, continental,
and, eventually, global, associations of public directors.

All levels of these associations of public directors must eventually be
constitutionally-required to be base-elected, so that it is not the members of a
more local-scale association that elect the members of the next-less-local-scale

It must be the combined base of all of the more local associations addressed by
a given next-scale association that elect the members of that next-scale

The function of these associations is to coordinate externalities social
management policy at 'meta-enterprise' levels.

We expect that these associations would increasingly constitute – at first, «de facto», and,
later, by sovereign, popular institution and constitutional amendment, «de jure»
— a fourth, 'econo-political', branch of government, in sustained
'quadruple-power' with «aufheben»-conserved/-transformed executive, legislative,
and judicial branches, with checks-and-balances between every pair of these four

A key effect of the actions of these associations would be a human-geographical
'de-abstractification' / 're-determination / containment' of abstract capital;
an «aufheben»-conserving /-negating '''real subsumption''' of the capital-equity,
or 'internality-equity', relation, its markets, and its '''market failures''', within the
democratized human-social relations of production of the
generalized-equity-relation, including all of the new socio-ontological classes
of 'non-internality-equity' emergent from their 'externality-equity' «arché».

The 'Intra-Duality' of the "Capital-Relation", and the Emergence therefrom of the
New Social
-Relations-of-Production 'Socio-Ontology' of 'Generalized Equity':   
Some Conjectures Regarding 'Equitism'.

An 'essence-ial' operation of the «Kapitals»-system, that it applies externally,
to its surrounding pre-capitalist hinterland [as it converts that hinterland
into new socio-geographical increments to itself, to its own geographical
domain], as it does also internally, to its own already-converted internal
terrain, is one of expropriation — expropriation of small-holder peasant
producers on the land and of self-employed urban artisans, etc., to form/expand
the wage-labour class; expropriation of smaller capitals by larger,
expropriation of surplus-labor and of surplus-value, etc.

«Kapital» is also, 'essence-ially', an operation of bursting-asunder all
barriers to the 'quanto-qualitative' advance of 'human-social self-productivity'
[of the "societal self-re-productive self-force" of human society, cf. Marx].

As the «Kapital»-conversion of the pre-capital hinterland nears completion, as
the «Kapitals»-system comes to surround the last remnants of the social-systemic
'''other''' that once surrounded it, we move toward that moment in the history
of the «Kapitals»-system in which that system will 'surround' and confront only

That approaching [extended] historical moment means that the operations which
that system hitherto applied to the predecessor social formations that
surrounded it, or 'environmented' it, in the past – namely, the operations of
expropriation and of social-barrier-dissolution — will be applied to the
«Kapitals»-system itself, by the «Kapitals»-system itself, as its own only remaining
human-social environment, in its final confrontation:  in its confrontation with itself.

With regard to the expropriation operator, this would mean an expropriation of
the expropriation [operation] itself, which operation is «Kapital».  Marx --

"What does the primitive accumulation of capital, i.e., its historical genesis,
resolve itself into?

In so far as it is not immediate transformation of slaves and serfs into
wage-labourers, and therefore a mere change of form, it only means the
expropriation of the immediate producers, i.e., the dissolution of private
property based on the labour of its owner. …

as soon as the capitalist mode of production stands on its own feet...the
further expropriation of private proprietors takes a new form.

That which is now to be expropriated is no longer the labourer working for
himself, but the capitalist exploiting many labourers. This expropriation is
accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production
itself, by the centralisation of capital.

One capitalist always kills many.

Hand in hand with this centralisation, or this expropriation of many capitalists
by few, develop, on an ever-increasing scale, the cooperative form of the
labour-process, the conscious technical application of science, the methodical
cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments of labour into
instruments of labour only usable in common, the economising of all means of
production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialised
labour ['the objective socialization of the means of production' – M.D.], the
entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world-market
, and, with this, the
international character of the capitalist régime
. ...

The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has
sprung up and flourished along with, and under it.

Centralisation of the means of production and socialisation of labour at last
reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument.

This integument is burst asunder.

The knell of capitalist private property sounds.

The expropriators are expropriated."

[Karl Marx, Capital, vol. I, Chapter XXXII, "Historical Tendency of Capitalist
Accumulation", International Publishers [NY: 1967], pages 761-764, emphasis
added by M.D.]

Marx foresaw, in The Grundrisse, that, in this 'self-environment' or
'self-surroundment' and 'self-envelopment' of the «Kapitals»-system, it would
find in its own nature a barrier to the further development of the social
'''self-forces''' of self-expanding societal self-[re-]production, and act upon
itself accordingly, unstoppably, whatever to the contrary its partisans and
beneficiaries might wish:

"... capital has pushed beyond national boundaries and prejudices, beyond the
deification of nature
and the inherited, self-sufficient satisfaction of
existing needs confined within well-defined bounds, and the reproduction of the
traditional way of life

It is destructive of all this, and permanently revolutionary, tearing down all
obstacles that impede the development of the productive forces
, the expansion of
needs, the diversity of production and the exploitation and exchange of natural
and intellectual forces.

But because capital sets up any such boundary as a limitation and is thus
ideally over and beyond it, it does not in any way follow that it has really
surmounted it, and since any such limitation contradicts its vocation,
capitalist production moves in contradictions, which are constantly overcome,
only to be, again, constantly re-established [and, on an ever-larger
'meta-fractal' scale – M.D.].

Still more so.

The universality towards which it is perpetually driving finds limitations in
its own nature, which, at a certain stage of its development will make it appear
as itself the greatest barrier to this tendency, leading thus to its own

[David McLellan, The Grundrisse, Karl Marx, Harper & Row [NY: 1971], pages
94-95, emphasis added by M.D.]

Vastly more needs to be said about the historical dynamics and 'meta-dynamics'
of the «Kapitals»-system, and about the mechanisms and 'organisms' of its
'meta-finite self-conversion / self-bifurcation self-singularity', as especially
about the immanent tendency of accumulating capital-value to de-value itself,
and of the rate of capital value-accumulation to decelerate itself, both as
expressions of the growth of the society-re-productive forces within capital.

However, the above-excerpted intimations must suffice for the present purpose.

Averting, by Social[-Relations-of-Production] Revolution, the Otherwise Pre-Destined '''New Dark Age''' Denouement of Decadent Capitalism:  Towards a Strategy for Humanity.

The Fight for Human Liberty is Now a Life-and-Death Struggle Against Decadent
Capitalism – Against the Unchecked Power of the Totalitarian, Humanocidal
Capitalist Plutocracy of the Advanced Capitalist Core of the World-Market

The «Kapitals»-systems of national and global political economy have engendered
liberal political constitutions, with internal checks and balances limiting the
abuse of political power, which have, as a result, proven relatively so
successful at growing 'human-social self-productivity' / '''the social forces of

But their economic and social success is now rapidly turning
into its opposite — into catastrophic economic, political, social failure.

The power of their economies have, at length, outgrown the power of their
political constitutions, and of their exclusively political checks and balances,
to avert the accumulation of unchecked power, and the human-species-lethal
abuse of that unchecked power, in the formation of a pro-totalitarian, humanocidal
capitalist plutocracy.

Their market competition, which provides economic checks and balances limiting
abuses in the pricing and quality of goods and services, and in the degradation
of customer service quality in general, becomes, and must become, successful competition.

Successful competition becomes, and must become, the [partial] negation of
competition, namely, monopoly [or oligopolistic, etc., near-monopoly].

Thus, competition leads to and becomes its opposite, monopoly and oligopoly.

The process of the competition of capitals thus leads to the formation of
agglomerations of capital so gargantuan that they can take over the mass media
of public communication, and buy-out the political system — legislative,
executive, and judicial; lock, stock, and barrel.

Thereby, the political checks and balances among those branches of the public,
political government are obviated and subverted.

The houses of legislature become houses of prostitution.

The executive and judicial branches of government are, over time, likewise
bought-out and prostituted.

Increasingly, only those candidates for public, political, elected office who
sell themselves to the plutocracy can acquire the vast funding necessary to buy
access to the plutocracy-owned/dominated mass media sufficient to achieve electoral

Thus, successful advanced capitalist democracies are characterized by a
seemingly irresistible tendency to plutocratic totalitarian degeneration.

The horrific dictatorships of Hitler and Stalin, precisely because they arose in
nations whose capitalist development was in some ways retarded, have provided a
prevenient, disfigured prefigurement of the hellish future of demise that
humanity faces in the further, advanced-decadence development of this
plutocratic totalitarian, and humanocidal, self-degeneration of capitalism.

Only the addition of constitutional economic checks and balances can overcome
this economic subversion of once-partially-effective but exclusively political
checks and balances.

Only the emergence of political-economic democracy, of a democratically
'politicized' political economy, can check this tendency to plutocratic
totalitarian political degeneration, a degeneration which has arisen from the
economy; from the 'economic side' of the political-economy; from the economy's
production of a prostitute-government, prostituted most-abjectly to the economic

The Capital Equity Stock Shares-Principles of 'Internality Equity' and the
Capital-Governance Norm of Stockholder Democracy.

The share-principle, the capital-equity-principle, the one-share-unit-of-capital-owned =
one-vote-for-the-election-of-directors-to-the-board-of-directors governance
principle of stockholder democracy, immanent within the 'socio-ontological
category' of capital, is a principle of economic-democratic enfranchisement for
the owners of capital, but also a principle of total economic dis-enfranchisement 
for the non-owners of capital.

The principle of 'Equitism' outers the latent, immanent dual of that capital-principle,
a principle of enfranchisement also for the non-owners of capital.

It does so in the form of the moral recognition and juridical formation,
initially, of a new class of property-equities, that of 'externality-equities',
in part via the "equity" tradition of 'precedentary', case-law jurisprudence, as
well as from the generalized-equity-enabling 'Equitarian' constitutional
amendments — amendments to be proposed in detail under separate cover.

[M.D.:  The details have since been posted to -- ].
. . .

The term 'Externality Equity' herein denotes a form of non-stockholder
stakeholder equity which arises from principles extending those already extant
and precedented in the "equity" tradition of case law.

It arises, in particular, from the principle that the ownership of capital,
however legitimately acquired, does not convey to the owner the unlimited right
to coercively inflict harm and damage upon other citizens and upon society as a whole.

It arises also from the further principle that the best locus in which to
adjudicate and mitigate the externalities generated by the operation of
capitalist enterprises — the "external costs", or "costs imposed upon third-parties"
whose interests are not represented in the traditional institutions of private
capital governance, e.g., in the stockholders-elected Boards of Directors — is
the locus of their origination:  the very heart of internal capital governance itself.

External, governmental regulatory bureaucracies, legislatively chartered and
overseen, are subject to the plutocracy's bribery of the legislatures and to the
"revolving door" bribes of later industry-employment offered to the regulating
bureaucrats by the regulated industries.

Lawsuits, brought before the judiciary, against the personal and social damages
inflicted by those industries, are generally too delayed, and too costly, for
the citizen litigants, who face the ultra-deep-pockets of their plutocratic,
mega-corporate adversaries.

Such exclusively litigious actions for redress are also exposed to the gradual
corruption of the judiciary by the plutocracy's bribery that increasingly
controls the legislature and the executive branches, which share the power to
appoint the central judiciary.

On the other hand, nationalization of industry, and state-monopoly of all
capital, threatens to resurrect the unchecked, absolute, absolutely-corrupt, and
soon-totalitarian dictatorship of 'Lenino-Stalinoid' or Fascistic state-capitalist
bureaucracies, and must therefore count as another non-solution, and as, in
reality, either an acceleration of, or a prevenient, geo-peripheral attainment of, the very
«telos» of the totalitarian «taxis» of advanced/decadent capital.

* The dictatorship of a state-bureaucratic ruling class, whose grip on power, and
whose tenuous ruling-class-collectivist economic «de facto» 'ownership' claim on
the means of production, is political-only, and totally vulnerable to political
assault [unlike the case with a ruling class of private owners of capital] tends
to totalitarianism as the only effective defense of its ruling power.

It does so because any successful political challenge to such a ruling class
would mean its political replacement, and thus its total loss of ruling power.

If deposed politically, it is deposed totally.

Political totalitarianism is thus the "natural" form of political and economic
class self-defense for this kind of ruling class.

* The motive to multi-genocidal global totalitarianism aimed at by the
decadence-phase capitalist plutocracy, formed in the core regions of
advanced/decadent private-capital, is quite other than the motive described

It arises with the decision of that plutocracy to reverse the historical growth
of the human-social forces of production, as its only defense against its
overthrow by the 'obsolescence depreciation' of its principal capital assets,
and by the formation of an educated, tendentially prosperous, and therefore
increasingly "ungovernable" [difficult to prostitute], "middle class" proletariat
world-wide, which much-further growth of the productive forces would bring.

This power-jeopardy of the advanced/decadent capitalist ruling class is
epitomized, in particular, by the prospect, for this petroleum / banking-centered
plutocracy, of the advent of the zero-radioactivity fuel regimes of controlled
nuclear fusion atomic power, as a superior and, thus, oil-obsolescing
alternative to its core power-asset in fossil-fuel-based molecular power.

It is epitomized, in general, by the way that rising, global, "middle-class"
levels of workers' living standards, health, education, and new, including
producers' cooperatives, entrepreneurial wealth, threaten the overthrow of this
plutocracy's exclusive power to rule, or of its power to rule exclusively.

The Econo-Political Institutional Infrastructure of the Initial Phase of
'Externality-Equities' Equitism.

The 'Externality-Equities' initial phase of 'Equitism' envisions the
constitutional-amendment provision and partially courts- and
legislatures-regulated operation of 'bicameral' boards of directors in all
capitalist enterprises of sufficient size and social externalities impact, with a 'second
house' of local-community-elected public directors in all local operating units
of such enterprises.

These 'publics' boards' would have constitutionally- and legislatively-ceded
authority over the 'externalities budgets', the 'quanto-qualitative',
externalities-production local annual operating plans of these enterprises.

These 'public boards' would thus represent, at the very heart of corporate governance, the
'externality-equities' owned collectively, in a collective property-rights,
public property-rights, or social-property-rights application of the "Coase
Theorem", by each such local-community's citizens, as public stakeholders, in
virtue of this, their newly-recognized and special kind of [social]-property right.

The traditional board of directors, and its delegates, representing the ownership
of 'internality-equities' by the traditional stockholders, would continue to
have authority over the dollar-/other-denominated, financial annual operating plan.

Discrepancies between the two operating plans would have to be negotiated
between the two "houses" in accord with the constitutionally and legislatively
mandated rules, with constitutionally and legislatively prescribed and regulated
judicial review and/or arbitration in the event of deadlock/negotiation-failure,
and with the losing side paying the costs of the court or arbitrator adjudication.

Any effort by the plutocracy to bribe the thousands of grass-roots public
directors elected in local communities all across the landscape would face
prohibitive costs and risks of exposure because of their vast multiplicity.

Such massive bribery would be rendered more difficult also by the base-level,
the radically "town-hall"-, "grass-roots"-democracy-restorationist character of
the institution of 'externality equities'; by the fact that the locally-resident
citizens eligible to be elected as public directors would be fighting to defend
their own families, their own homes, their own local communities, and their very lives —
e.g., from local toxic pollution, lethal to the lives of their children and of
their other loved ones, produced, typically, by nearby capitalistic firms, or
even produced by nearby 'stewardship-equity' producers-cooperatives, those in
which human decency is outstripped by desire for monetary earnings [hopefully
less typically] — in a way and from a vantage which would be very non-abstract,
very direct and personal, compared to the vantage of the traditional
long-distance/absentee central government legislator.

In any case, attempts by the plutocracy, and/or by their subordinate
lower-capitalist-class elements — elements technically termed 'the drooling
greedies' in our social-scientific nomenclature — to buy-off the vast number of
citizen-directors nationwide, and, eventually, worldwide, would break the
bribery budgets of even the super-richest of the super-rich.

The Emergence of a Global 'Association of Public Directors'.

It is expected that Associations of Public Directors, coordinating
'meta-enterprise' level policies at the local, regional, national, and
eventually, at the international levels, will "naturally" tend to emerge over
time, perhaps initially as a new kind of NGO [Non-Governmental Organization],
and to eventually become institutionalized, 'constitutionalized', and legally

This will create a situation of "dual power" between these new,
political-economic 'Associations of Associations', and the traditional,
political branches of capitalist social governance.

But this should not be posed as one of unstable "dual power", leading inevitably
to the monolithic "total victory" of one of the 'duals', and the "total
annihilation"/"abstract negation" of the other, «a la» the typical Leninoid
day-dreams in theory, and totalitarian nightmares in practice.

Rather, it should be grasped as the basis for a new, fourth branch of government
— of a partially democratized economic-governance branch — and of a dialectical,
«aufheben» conservation/elevation/transformation of the earlier three branches
of political government, leading to a government constituted by sustained
quadruple power, i.e., by the sustained mutual conflicts, or '''complex unity''',
of all four branches.

The new, democratic-economic governance branch would then exist in a higher,
stabilized, ongoing — and partially conflicts-conserving, conflicts-appropriating,
and conflicts-harnessing — dialectical 'uni-thesis', or '''complex unity''', with the three
earlier branches, thereby supplying economic checks and balances that the political branches
cannot supply, and that help to block the path, otherwise irresistible, toward those three
earlier branches' total prostitution and plutocratic totalitarian, humanocidal degeneration.

'Containment' and '''Real [Self-]Subsumption''' of the "Capital-Relation" within
the New Human-Social Relation of Production of 'Generalized Equity'.

These Associations of Public Directors would supply a geography-based
externalities 'container' and 'constrainer' for the many individual capitals
operating within a given locality or region — capitals otherwise relatively
'''abstracted''' and geographically indifferent; indifferent to the deleterious
impacts of the externalities they generate upon their local portions of

These Associations would thus constitute the «monads», or units, of a
'Meta-Capital' entity, with each such «monad», or unit, of democratic-economic
governance, 'made up out of' a heterogeneous multiplicity of "individual
capitals" within its geographical locus-of-authority, in a democratic-jurisdictional sense.

These Associations would geo-demographically 'contain' and 'internalize/subsume'
the many capitals operating within their geographical jurisdictions, in terms
of, and placing checks and balances upon, the otherwise unlimited production of
externalities which the combination of gargantuan oligopolist agglomerations of
capital, their monopolized/prostituted mass media of communication, and their
prostitute, increasingly '''plutocracy-owned''' political governments would
otherwise unleash, and have already begun to unleash.

The "pure" private capital principle is a principle of private profit
maximization at any human social/externality cost.

It is limited, within the epoch of the «Kapitals»-system, only by political
checks, i.e., by economically-exteriorized, government legislature/bureaucracy
regulation, and by litigation-triggered judicial intervention, in a context
where these branches of government are increasingly prostituted to a few,
dominant agglomerations of internationalizing, plutocratic capital-ownership.

The Historical and Human-Social-Reproductive 'Terminality' of the 'Un-Contained' 

Thus, the capital principle, when in its full development, at zenith, in the
sub-epoch of its decadence — if not integrated within a higher socio-economic
principle, i.e., as it moves to become the organizing principle of global
society as a whole; of the human-social-reproductive totality, will become a
principle of monopolistic, omni-ravenous, socially-cannibalistic rapacity and
parasitic, vampiric malignancy; of unchecked, "absolute", and therefore
"absolutely corrupt" power, which will ravage and destroy the totality of human
society, the human species, and the planetary biosphere as a whole.

That capital-principle, as personified in the capitalist plutocracy, so becomes,
in an all-outcomes-vain attempt to defend its power-prerogatives.

That plutocracy sees those prerogatives as mortally threatened by the further
growth of the productive forces, as materialized in, and immanent in, the
improvement of majority [proletarian] standards of living, including standards
of [scientific and technological, etc.] education, world-wide, as required by
the growing "technical composition" [Marx] of capital -- and, therefore, by the
growing "technical composition" of labor as well, and by the accelerating
exposure of the fixed capital owned, or financed, by that plutocracy to
technological obsolescence depreciation as the [fixed-]constant capital
composition of total capital rises.

That plutocracy therefore, in the decadent phase of capitalist development,
begins to systematically attack those standards, and that technological

The capitalist plutocracy attacks those working-class standards-of-living, and
that technological progress, via the various 'socially-atavistic',
'neo-feudaloid', "back-to-nature" ideologies that this plutocracy concocts, aiming
to dupe the producing majority into acquiescence in a catastrophic,
multi-genocidal -- humanocidal -- contraction of global human social
reproduction, as if "the survival of the biosphere" required such a massacre of
humanity that, in reality, the plutocracy requires, in its vain attempt to
hold-on to its rapacious power.

The «Aufheben» Historical [Self-]Negation of the Capital-Relation as Predominant
Social Relation of Production, Pre-Constructed by Analogy with Historically
Earlier Social Relations of Production 'Self-Revolutionizations'.

This 'meta-model' . . . predicts no undialectical, abstract negation of the
«Kapitals» social relations ontology.

It predicts no 'Jacobinoid-Leninoid' "absolute abolition"; no 'convolute'
extinction/total de-manifestation, and no fantasy, utopian de-materialization of
the "capital-relation".

The 'social praxis ontology' of the 'Raw Appropriation of Nature's
product[ion]s', or of "predation", did not vanish with/was not abolished by the
emergence of that of Goods / intra-tribal Gifts, although the former was partly
'''subsumed''' by the latter.

The Goods/Gifts 'socio-ontology' did not vanish with/was not abolished by the
emergence of that of Commodity-barter [although the former was partly
'''subsumed''' by the latter].

The bartered-Commodity 'socio-ontology' did not vanish with/was not abolished by
the emergence of that of Money-Commodities [although the former was partly
'''subsumed''' by the latter].

'The Monies social relation of production ontology' did not disappear with/was
not abolished by the emergence of that of «Kapitals» [although the former was
partly '''subsumed''' by the latter].

On the contrary —

The 'multi-Appropriation', or 'cross-Appropriation' socio-ontological category
of '''human production of fit[ted]-for-humans-by-humans use-values from "raw"
materials produced by pre-/extra-human Nature''', i.e., of human-Goods /
intra-tribal-"Gifts" production . . . first emerged as merely a new «species» of
the «genos»; of the 'human Appropriation of Nature's product[ion]s in
"Raw"/virtually unimproved [for humans] form' «genos».

But this new ... «species» — its burgeoning population, or «arithmos», of ...
«genos»-«monads», or '''units''', of "Goods" — soon out-self-reproduced, in rate,  
& dominated the population, or «arithmos», of the «monads» ['''units'''] of the
"Raw" Appropriation... «genos», at such a rate, and to such an extent, that the
new ... Goods" «arithmos» became, 'psycho-historically' — in the minds, in the
memes — of the humans who animated it, ever since, a new «genos»-«arithmos»
in its own right; a [new, higher, qualitatively different, socio-ontologically-different]
'gen'-eralization of the '''Raw Appropriation of extra-human Nature''' «genos».

Indeed, this irruption of the new 'meristemal' Goods «genos» [re-]acted back
upon, 're-fluxed' upon, its predecessor «genos», initially only subsuming that
predecessor «genos» '''formally''', by virtue of ... having become the new,
'meristemal', leading paradigm of human social-relations-of-production, and of
human social-forces-of-production, praxis.

But, eventually, that new «genos» '''really''' subsumed its predecessor «genos»;
it largely '''appropriated'' and '''hybridized with''' that predecessor «genos»,
yielding a "complex unity" 'socio-ontology', as exemplified in that of a
tool-equipped [weapons-equipped -- M.D.] [i.e., '''Goods'''-equipped] hunting
praxis, and in that of a tool-equipped digging/plant-appropriating/metals-'''mining'''
praxis, and in other such new human social phenomena, which are denoted,
collectively, in the Encyclopedia Dialectica notation, by the "hybrid
term"/'socio-ontological qualifier' ... .

Likewise, the 'exchange-use', or 'exchange-use-value' socio-ontological category
of [pre-Money] Commodity barter, ... first emerged as merely a new «species» of
the ["Goods" -- M.D.] «genos»; of the '''human production of
fit[ted]-for-humans-by-humans use-values, from "raw" materials produced by the
pre-/extra-human Nature''' "Raw" Appropriation «genos».

But this new, ... «species» — its burgeoning population, or «arithmos», of ...
«monads», or '''units''', of 'barterables'; of '''Commodities''' — soon
out-self-reproduced, in rate, & dominated the population, or «arithmos», of the «monads»
['''units'''] of the ...["Goods" --M.D.] «genos», at such a rate and to such an
extent that the new ... ["bartered Commodities" -- M.D.] «arithmos» became,
'psycho-historically' — in the minds, in the memes — of the humans who animated
it, ever since, a new «genos»-«arithmos» in its own right; a [new, higher,
qualitatively different, socio-ontologically-different] 'gen'-eralization of the
Goods, [use-]value «genos»; a new kind of [use-]value:  '''exchange-[use-]value'''.

Indeed, this irruption of the new 'meristemal' bartered-Commodities «genos»
[re-]acted back upon, 're-fluxed upon', its predecessor «gene», initially only
subsuming those predecessor «gene» '''formally''', by virtue of ...
[Commodities-barter -- M.D.] trading having become the new, 'meristemal',
leading practice-paradigm of human social-relations-of-production, and of
human social-forces-of-production, praxis, initially at the boundaries where distinct,
otherwise warring, tribal communities met.

But, eventually, with the growth of its «arithmos», or population, reflecting
the further growth of the human-social forces of production, that new «genos» of
inter-tribal Commodity-barter '''really''' subsumed its predecessor «gene»; it
largely '''appropriated'' and '''hybridized with''' those predecessor «gene»,
yielding new, '''complex unity''' 'socio-ontology', as exemplified in the emergence of
the 'praxes' of barter-trading in "raw" goods, as well as in "finished" goods;
in the emergence of intra-tribal barter, supplanting the intra-tribal '''Gift'''
ethic and "insurance"/social risk management praxis, as extension of a barter praxis which,
in its beginnings, was restricted to [predominantly war-like, or
'inter-tribal' relations, and in other such new human-social phenomena, which
are denoted, collectively, in the Encyclopedia Dialectica notation, by "hybrid
terms"/'socio-ontological qualifiers' such as ... .

Again, the 'general-exchangeables', or 'general-equivalents' socio-ontological
category of Money-mediated Commodity exchange, herein denoted by ..., first
emerged as merely a new «species» of the ... '''barterable Commodity''' «genos»
— as that new Commodity-«species» known, in the Marxian tradition, by the name
'''Money-Commodity''' — a socio-ontological category which tends, over
historical time, for 'praxical' reasons, to devolve upon a precious-metal
Commodity, such as silver, or gold; the Commodity «species» of '''specie'''.

But this new, ... ["Money-Commodities" , or "Privileged-Commodites" -- M.D.]
«species» — its burgeoning population, or «arithmos», of ["Money-Commodities" --
M.D.] «monads», or '''units''', of 'gen-eral equivalents'; of the
'''Money-Commodities''' — soon out-self-reproduced & dominated the population,
or «arithmos», of the «monads» ['''units'''] of the ["baterable Commodity" --
M.D.] «genos», in perceived economic "value", at such a rate and to such an
extent that the new ... ["Money-Commodities" -- M.D.] «arithmos» became,
'psycho-historically' — in the minds, in the memes — of the humans who animated
it, ever since, a new «genos»-«arithmos» in its own right; a [new, higher,
qualitatively different, socio-ontologically-different] 'gen'-eralization of the
bartered-Commodity exchange-[use-]value «genos».

Indeed, this irruption of the new 'meristemal' Monies «genos» [re-]acted back
upon, 're-fluxed upon', its predecessor «gene», initially only subsuming those
predecessor «gene» '''formally''', by virtue of ...[Monies -- M.D.]-mediated
circulation of Commodities having become the new, 'meristemal', leading paradigm
of human social-relations-of-production, and of human social-forces-of-production, praxis.

But, eventually, with the further growth of the level of the human-social forces of production,
or of "productivity", that new «genos» '''really''' subsumed its predecessor «gene»;
it largely '''appropriated'' and '''hybridized with''' those predecessor «gene»,
yielding "'complex unity'" 'socio-ontology', as exemplified in the emergence of
the 'praxes' of the sale of "raw" extractions from pre-/extra-human Nature in
exchange for Monies, instead of via Commodities-Barter, as well as the exchange
of "finished" goods for Monies; in the emergence of "dues" & "tithes" and /
'''redistributive Gifting"' of Monies, rather than of just "Goods" "in kind",
to the temple/state, in the emergence of intra-tribal Monies-mediated exchanges
of Commodities, at least partially supplanting the earlier-emergent intra-tribal
Commodities-Barter praxis, of inter-tribal, inter-city-state, etc., tributes "paid" in Monies form,
as well as in "in-kind Goods and/or Commodities" forms, and in other such new human social
phenomena, which are denoted, collectively, in the Encyclopedia Dialectica notation,
by "hybrid terms"/'socio-ontological qualifiers' such as ... .

Finally, to-date, the 'Money-Making-More-Money', or 'auto-catalytic
exchange-value' socio-ontological category of «Kapitals», herein denoted by ...,
first emerged as merely a new «species» of the ... [Monies-mediated Circulations
of Commodities -- M.D.] «genos»; of the '''universal-equivalent Money''' «genos»
— as the circulation-based, non-production-based, quasi-parasitic
Money-«species» known theoretically, in the Marxian tradition, as the
"'antediluvian «species» of Capital'" — e.g., as '''merchants' money-capital''',
as '''usurers money-capital''' -- and also in the form of «latifundia» slave-worked
plantation agricultural productive capital, etc.

But this new, ... [«Kapitals» -- M.D.] «species» — its burgeoning population, or
«arithmos», of ...[«Kapitals» -- M.D.] «monads», or '''units''', of
'''Money-Capitals''' — soon out-self-reproduced & dominated the population, or
«arithmos», of the «monads» ['''units'''] of the ... [Monies -- M.D.] «genos»,
at such a rate and to such an extent that the new ...[«Kapitals» -- M.D.]
«arithmos» became, 'psycho-historically' — in the minds, in the memes — of the
humans who animate it, ever since, a new «genos»-«arithmos» in its own right; a
[new, higher, qualitatively different, socio-ontologically-different] 'gen'-eralization
of the Monies exchange-value «genos».

Indeed, this irruption of the new 'meristemal' «Kapitals» «genos» [re-]acted
back upon, 're-fluxed upon', its predecessor «gene».  It initially subsumed
those predecessor «gene» only '''formally''', by virtue of ...[«Kapitals» --
M.D.]-mediated, mercantile, Money-buying and Money-selling of
'''Commodity-Capital''', and by the extraction of ['''usurious''' rates of]
interest as the "price" for borrowing Money, or [mercantile] Capital, having become
the new, leading, 'meristemal' paradigm of human social-relations-of-production,
and of human social-forces-of-production, praxis.

But, eventually, with the further growth of the l;evel of "the human-social forces of production",
or of the 'social self-productivity of humanity', that new «genos» '''really''' subsumed its
predecessor «gene»; it largely '''appropriated'' and '''hybridized with''' those predecessor «gene»,
yielding '''complex unity''' 'socio-ontology', as exemplified in the emergence of
the 'praxes' of the mercantile offering of products produced in non-household
production facilities, facilities owned and provisioned by merchant/manufacturer
capitalists, who also buy labor-capability as if '''just another''' Commodity-supply
for their production facilities, from labor-capability sellers/'''alienators''',
just as they bought, as Commodities, raw materials and tools for those same
production facilities, from other merchant/manufacturer capitalists; in the
emergence of 'praxes' of the production of "raw" extractions from extra-human
Nature as Commodity-Capital on the same basis, by merchant/manufacturer/mining
capitalists -- instead of by, e.g., family-producers, seeking merely supplementary
Monies for their own consumption-needs [needs not met by their own household
production directly], thus family-producers, etc., who are not seeking self-expanding
«Kapital»-value, ever-expanding via profit, by means of the exchange of their
'''mere''' Commodities, for Monies -- and in the emergence of other such new
human social phenomena, which are denoted, collectively, in the Encyclopedia Dialectica
notation, by "hybrid terms"/'socio-ontological qualifiers' such as ... .

Therefore, we also expect that, and predict that, immediately after its irruption
from out of ...[the «Kapitals arithmos» -- M.D.], that the new «species» of equity of the
human-social-relations-of-production ontology of 'generalized equity', denoted
herein by ..., will enter into a "formal subsumption" of the entire predecessor,
already partially «Kapitals»-subsumed ... 'socio-ontology', due to its new,
...[Generalized Equity -- M.D.] 'social-relations logic' having become the new
leading, 'meristemal' practice-paradigm of human-social relations-of-production,
and of human-social forces-of-production, praxis.

However, with time, later, we expect this new, now ...[Generalized -- M.D.]
«genos» of '''generalized equity''', developing as a new, higher, qualitatively
different, socio-ontologically-different 'gen'-eralization of the «Kapital»-equity
«genos», to accede to the '''real''' subsumption all of its predecessor «gene»,
especially of the «Kapital»-subsumed «gene»; to largely '''appropriate'' and
'''hybridize with''' those predecessor «gene», yielding new, '''complex unity'''
'socio-ontology', as epitomized by the Encyclopedia Dialectica notation
"hybrid term"/'socio-ontological qualifier' for the 'culminant' socio-ontological
category, ... .

The latter denotes the 'real subsumption' of the entire, decadent, '''real
domination of «Kapital»''', «Kapitals»-system by the new human-social
relation-of-production of 'gen-eralized equity', as denoted by ...:


That is, this ... 'meta-model' anticipates, in "meta-fractal" analogy with, and
in continuity/consistency with, all of these earlier 'meta-evolutionary' and
'meta-system' transitions identified in this 'meta-model', the dialectical,
«aufheben» 'annulment-cum-elevation-cum-conservation' of the "capital-relation",
via an appropriate 'containment' of, or 'self-internalization' by, and
[self-]subsumption / "real domination" of Capital within, the
'meta-monadologically' higher social principle of 'Generalized Equity', as
sketched above.

The Emergence of a Fourth, Economic Branch of Democratic Econo-Political Social
Governance, in Sustained Quadruple Power with the Earlier Three, Political

This 'meta-model' envisions the retention and conservation / transformation of
the three traditional branches of political government, into a complex,
conflictual, and conflicts-conserving unity of sustained quadruple-power with,
and «vis-a-vis», the new, 'economic-democratic' fourth branch, thus yet further
generalizing the stabilized, conflicts-conserving, checks-and-balances-delivering
'''complex unity''' of the earlier-emerged, three, political branches.

It also envisions the subordination, or "demoting", but not the absolute dissolution, of the capital-principle.

Thus, is the plutocratic, oligopoly/monopoly-capital-principle expected to be blocked, by popular power, from any longer attempting to organize, and to subjugate, the global social totality.

A higher and democratic, humanistic, 'justitial' principle of social ordering supersedes Capital in that role:  the principle of 'Generalized Equity'.

But the latter principle allows the capital-principle, e.g., of price-competition and competition for
customer-adherence, to persist in operation where it best orchestrates the extant hybridization,
or '''complex unity'', of genomic and/with '''phenomic''' human nature, providing vitally needed
economic checks & balances that private-monopoly and state-monopoly economic governance
so devastatingly lack. . . . [this connects to another of the proposed "Generalized Equity"
human rights institutions, that named "Citizen Stewardship Equity", by which the non-capital-owning majority of humanity gain democratic access to the means of [social re-]production]."

For full article, see --